The book carried an appeal to show concern for the people who were to move about between buildings, and it urged an understanding of the subtle, almost indefinable - but definite - qualities, which have always related to the interaction of people in public spaces, and it pointed to the life between buildings as a dimension of architecture that needs to be carefully treated. Now 40 years later, many architectural trends and ideologies have passed by over the years. These intervening years have also shown that the liveliness and liveability of cities and residential areas continues to be a important issue.
The intensity in which fine public spaces are used at this point in time, as well as the greatly increased general interest in the quality of cities and their public spaces emphasises this point. The character of life between buildings changes with changes in any given social context, but the essential principles and quality criteria to be employed when working with life between buildings has proven to be remarkably constant.
Though this work over the years has been updated and revised several times, this version bears little resemblance with the very early versions, however there was no reason to change the basic message: Take good care of the life between your buildings. In its exploration of how spaces become places, The Spaces between Buildings invites readers to see anew the spaces they encounter every day and often take for granted. For more than forty years Jan Gehl has helped to transform urban environments around the world based on his research into the ways people actually use—or could use—the spaces where they live and work.
In this revolutionary book, Gehl presents his latest work creating or recreating cityscapes on a human scale. He clearly explains the methods and tools he uses to reconfigure unworkable cityscapes into the landscapes he believes they should be: cities for people.
Taking into account changing demographics and changing lifestyles, Gehl emphasizes four human issues that he sees as essential to successful city planning.
He explains how to develop cities that are Lively, Safe, Sustainable, and Healthy. Focusing on these issues leads Gehl to think of even the largest city on a very small scale. For Gehl, the urban landscape must be considered through the five human senses and experienced at the speed of walking rather than at the speed of riding in a car or bus or train.
This small-scale view, he argues, is too frequently neglected in contemporary projects. In a final chapter, Gehl makes a plea for city planning on a human scale in the fast- growing cities of developing countries.
The rich field of urban law has thus far lacked a holistic and concerted scholarly focus on comparative and global perspectives. This work offers new inroads into the global and comparative streams within urban law by presenting emerging frameworks and approaches to topics ranging from urban housing and land use to legal informality and consumer financial protection.
The volume brings together a group of international urban legal scholars to highlight emergent global, interdisciplinary perspectives within the field of urban law, particularly as they have import for comparative legal analysis.
The book presents a timely addition to the literature given the urgent legal issues that continue to surface in an age of rapid urbanization and globalization. Simon Life between buildings people and public space in Frankfurt's banking district Author : Nora A. The upsurge in interest in public spaces and public life over the past twenty five years has generated an impressive array of city plans, public space strategies, and designs. This book presents an overview of this development and provides a detailed description of architecturally interesting and inspiring public space strategies and projects from all over the world.
In addition, thirty nine international public space projects are presented and discussed. Drawings, plans and photographs illustrate city strategies and public space projects in detail. How do we accommodate a growing urban population in a way that is sustainable, equitable, and inviting?
This question is becoming increasingly urgent to answer as we face diminishing fossil-fuel resources and the effects of a changing climate while global cities continue to compete to be the most vibrant centers of culture, knowledge, and finance. Jan Gehl has been examining this question since the s, when few urban designers or planners were thinking about designing cities for people.
But given the unpredictable, complex and ephemeral nature of life in cities, how can we best design public infrastructure—vital to cities for getting from place to place, or staying in place—for human use?
Studying city life and understanding the factors that encourage or discourage use is the key to designing inviting public space. Center: Condominiums in Toronto, Canada. Below: Public housing in Berlin. It is, therefore, a necessity to have an open building principle with parallel buildings positioned according to the sun: east-west in the case of through-going apartments, otherwise north-south. The irst- named type of building has, however, the advantage in that it permits cross ventilation and gives the residences a truly effective sunny side [2].
Asplund in Acceptera, This lack of interest is also evident regarding the public spaces. That building design could inluence play activities, contact patterns, and meeting possibilities, to name a few examples, was not considered. Functionalism was a distinctly physically and materi- ally oriented planning ideology. One of the most noticeable effects of this ideology was that streets and squares disappeared from the new building projects and the new cities.
Throughout the entire history of human habitation, streets and squares had formed focal points and gathering places, but with the advent of functionalism, streets and squares were literally declared unwanted. Instead, they were replaced by roads, paths, and endless grass lawns. These concepts have been thoroughly examined in past years and made speciic in regulations and building codes. And it is these concepts around which an important part of the work of architects and planners has been centered during these most important decades when the majority of all construction in the industrial countries has taken place.
No one wished to reduce or exclude valuable social activities. On the contrary, it was thought that the extensive grass areas between the buildings would be the obvious location for many recreational activi- ties and a rich social life.
Perspective drawings teemed with life and activities. The extent to which these visions of the function of green spaces as the uniting element in building projects were correct was not challenged or investigated.
Not until twenty to thirty years later, in the s and s, when the big functionalistic multistory residential cities had been built, was it possible to evaluate the conse- quences of a one-sided physical-functional planning basis.
A review of just a small selection of the most common planning principles from functionalistic building projects illustrates the effects of this type of planning in relation to life between buildings. Differentiation in function among dwellings, facto- ries, public buildings, and so on may have reduced the physi- ological disadvantages, but it has also reduced the possible advantages of closer contact. Great distances between people, events, and functions characterize the new city areas.
Transportation systems, based on the automobile, further contributed to reducing outdoor activities. In addition, the mechanical and insensi- tive spatial design of individual building projects has had a dramatic effect on outdoor activities.
Surburban street, Colorado, U. In these areas the mass media and shopping centers have become virtually the only contact points with the outside world because life between buildings has been phased out. Life has literally been built out of these new areas, not as a part of a well-thought-out planning concept but as a by-product of a long series of other considera- tions.
While the medieval city with its design and dimensions collected people and events in streets and squares and encour- aged pedestrian trafic and outdoor stays, the functionalistic suburban areas and building projects do precisely the opposite. If a team of planners at any time had been given the task of doing what they could to reduce life between buildings, they hardly could have achieved more thoroughly what has inad- vertently been done in the sprawling suburban areas, as well as in numerous functionalist redevelopment schemes.
Above: New housing project. Rotterdam, Holland. Architects: Charles Moore and W. The telephone, television, video, home computers, and so forth have introduced new ways of interacting. Direct meetings in public spaces can now be replaced by indirect electronic com- munication. Active presence, participation, and experience can now be substituted with passive picture watching, seeing what others have experienced elsewhere.
The automobile has made it possible to replace active participation in spontaneous local social activities with a drive to see selected friends and attractions. Abundant possibilities do exist for compensating for what has been lost. Precisely for this reason, the fact that there is still widespread critisism of the neglected public spaces is indeed thought provoking.
Something is missing. Typical demands include better conditions for pedestrian and bicycle trafic, better condi- tions for children and the elderly and a better framework in general for recreational and social community functions. The very revival of the city as a major architectural objective, including the careful planning of public spaces — streets, squares, parks — interprets and chan- nels the wave of popular protest. Family patterns change.
The average family size has de- creased. In Scandinavia it is down to 2. The demand for easily accessible social opportunities outside the home is growing accordingly. The composition of the population is changing as well. In general there are fewer children and more adults. The situation in which 20 percent of the population is composed of old people, in good health, with ten, twenty, or even thirty years to enjoy after retirement, is becoming common in many industrial countries.
In Scandinavia, this population group, which has a great deal of free time, is the most frequent user of city spaces. If the spaces are worth using, they are used. Finally, the situation in the workplace also is changing rapidly. Many jobs have been emptied of social and creative contents by technology and eficiency measures. And technological develop- ment usually means a reduction of both the work load and the amount of time spent at work. More people have more time, and at the same time a number of social and creative needs must be satisied through outlets other than the traditional workplace.
The residential area, the city, and the public spaces — from the community center to the main square — form a possible physical framework for satisfying a number of these new demands. Throughout the world automobile-dominated city centers have been transformed into pedestrian street systems. Life in the public spaces has increased markedly, well above and beyond the extended commercial activities.
A comprehensive social and recreational city life has developed. In Copenhagen, for example, the transformation began in Since then, more and more pedestrian streets have been created. City life has, year by year, grown in scope, in creativity, and in ingenuity [16].
Various folk festivals and a huge, very popular carnival have emerged. Nobody had believed such events were possible in Scandinavia. Now they exist because they are needed. Even more important, every- day activities have grown in scope and number. A survey of street life in downtown Copenhagen reveals a quadrupling of social and recreative activities over the past two decades.
The city has not grown in this period, but dei- nitely street life has. The social and recreational opportunities offered in public spaces are in increased demand. More people use the spaces, and a marked change from passive to active use is evident. Summer days in Copenhagen. Comparably, public spaces in new residential areas are used more when these spaces have the requisite quality. The public spaces are needed.
The need for spaces of all types and sizes is obvious — from the little residential street to the city square. On the contrary, it is a prime concept that everyday life, ordinary situations, and spaces in which daily life is lived must form the center of attention and effort. This concept is expressed by three modest, yet fairly broad requirements of public spaces: — desirable conditions for the necessary outdoor activities — desirable conditions for the optional, recreational activities — desirable conditions for the social activities To be able to move about easily and conidently, to be able to linger in cities and residential areas, to be able to take pleasure in spaces, buildings, and city life, and to be able to meet and get together with other people — informally or in more organized fashion — these are fundamental to good cities and good building projects today, as in the past.
The importance of these requirements cannot be overesti- mated. They are modest demands that aim for a better and more useful framework for everyday activities. On the other hand, a good physical framework for life between buildings and for communal activities is, in all circumstances, a valuable, inde- pendent quality, and — perhaps — a beginning. Social activities in outdoor spaces are, necessarily, an integral part of this inter- play.
Discussed in previous sections are opportunities for meeting others, to establish and maintain contacts, to chat with neighbors over hedges. Examples have been given of the direct correlation between the scope of outdoor activities and frequency of interac- tion among neighbors.
The more residents are outdoors, the more often they meet — and the more greetings are exchanged and conversations develop.
There is, however, no basis for concluding directly from such examples that contact and close ties between neighbors develop more or less automatically, solely on the basis of certain deinite building forms.
More than architecture is needed for these inter- actions to develop. Design that is conducive to such interaction will, however, encourage it. This especially relates to the conditions that are necessary for deeper, more meaningful contacts. In terms of the other, more modest and often more functional contacts, the physical framework undoubtedly plays a more crucial and direct role.
The physical framework itself can be designed so that the desired contact forms are impeded or even made impossible. Architecture literally can stand in the way of desired activity patterns. Conversely, the physical framework can also be designed to- give a broader spectrum of available possibilities, so that processes and building projects are permitted to support one another. This can be an important factor for building social networks.
Right: Skaade, Denmark. Below: The neighborhood block as an organizing unit. Possibilities can be impeded — or they can be facilitated. The following examples illustrate in greater detail practical attempts made to establish interaction between processes and building projects.
A number of principles and deinitions are also introduced. At universities, for example, a hierarchy exists consisting of faculties, institutes, departments, and inally, study groups, the smallest unit. The structure confers a decision-making rank and provides the individual with a series of social and professional points of reference. Each housing group is centered around a communal square and community house 2. The community center 1 , shared by all the groups, is located on the main street.
Below: Plan The goal was to get processes and project to work together. Planning was a joint venture of the future residents and the architects and illustrates a clear attitude toward a desired social structure. The building complex is divided into six groups of approxi- mately ifteen individual housing units, each with a communal building. In addition, there is a large community center for the entire complex. This hierarchical division — dwelling, dwelling group, housing complex, city — is motivated by the wish to strengthen the community and the democratic processes in the individual housing groups as well as in the housing development as a whole.
Family members meet in the living room, the inhabitants of the residential group meet in the group square, and residents from the entire neighborhood meet on the main street.
Visually, the social structure is expressed physically by placing the residences around group squares or group streets. Functionally, the social structure is supported by establishing communal spaces, indoors and outdoors, at the various levels in the hierarchical structure. The major function of the communal spaces is to provide the arena for life between buildings, the daily unplanned activities — pedestrian trafic, short stays, play, and simple social activities from which additional communal life can develop, as desired by the residents.
Suburban area, Melbourne, Australia. Between this unit and the very large unit — the city center or shopping center — only diffuse subdivi- sion exists.
Physically the structure performs in the same manner, without clear divisions. Residential areas have a diffuse interior structure and imprecise boundaries.
Under these conditions the undeined physical structure itself is a tangible obstacle to life between buildings. The two housing examples illustrate the possibility of working with the concepts of social and physical structure in the housing context and emphasize how public spaces and life between build- ings naturally must be seen in connection with social processes and group sizes.
The examples also emphasize how life between buildings, meeting opportunities at the various levels, can enter into the efforts to develop and maintain the social processes. At one end of the scale is the private residence with private outdoor space such as a garden or a balcony. From Oscar Newman, Defensible Space [41]. The scale between public and private also can be considerably more differentiated than mentioned here. Or it can be consider- ably less deined, as in the case with the multistory residence or the single-family house in the undeined city structure.
In many such cases, almost no middle ground or transition between pri- vate and very public territory exists. The area that the indi- vidual perceives as belonging to the dwelling, the residential en- vironment, can extend well beyond the actual dwelling.
This in itself may result in greater use of public spaces — such as parents permitting young children to play outdoors at an earlier age than they otherwise might. Establishing residential areas so that there is a graduation of outdoor spaces with semipublic, intimate, and familiar spaces nearest the residence also makes it possible to know the people in the area better, and the experience of outdoor spaces as belong- ing to the residential area results in a greater degree of surveil- lance and collective responsibility for this public space and its residences.
A clear deinition of borders is an important step in clarifying internal organization and solving local problems. Below left: Clearly delineated entrances to housing groups Byker, Newcastle upon Tyne. The importance of subdividing residential areas into smaller, better deined units as a link in more comprehensive hierarchical systems is increasingly recognized and is often used in new build- ing projects.
Several examples demonstrate that the residents in these small units are more quickly and more effectively able to organize themselves for group activities and to solve mutual problems. Another area in which division of building projects into smaller, more clearly deined units is used to an increasing extent is in connection with renovation and improvement of existing areas.
It is expedient and often important that transitions, for example, between city street and residential group, are indicated physically, but at the same time it is important that the indication is not so irm a demarcation that it prevents contacts with the outside world. For example, good visual connection is important so that a child can see whether playmates are out in the neighboring play area.
To ease the transfer and continuity from the old to the new buildings, great care was taken to divide the new project into clearly deined units — residential groups and city districts corresponding to the old streets and districts.
Further, a precise physical demarcation of transitional zones was accom- plished with portals and gates, so that individual residential groups are clearly deined; they do not, however, present such a solid boundary that it becomes unduly dificult to visit with others.
Walls 1. No walls 2. Long distances 2. Short distances 3. High speeds 3. Low speeds 4. Multiple levels 4. One level 5. Because sight and hearing are related to the most comprehen- sive of the outdoor social activities — seeing and hearing contacts — how they function is, naturally, a fundamental planning factor. A knowledge of the senses is a necessary prerequisite also in relation to understanding all other forms of direct communi- cation and the human perception of spatial conditions and dimensions.
The senses are essentially frontally oriented, and one of the best developed and most useful senses, the sense of sight, is distinctly horizontal. The horizontal visual ield is considerably wider than the vertical. If one looks straight ahead, it is possible to glimpse what is going on to both sides within a horizontal circle of almost ninety degrees to each side. The downward ield of vision is much narrower than the horizontal, and the upward ield of vision is narrower still.
The ield of upward vision is reduced further because the axis of vision when walking is directed approximately ten degrees downward, in order to see where one is walking. A person walking down a street sees practically nothing but the ground loor of buildings, the pavement, and what is going on in the street space itself.
Events to be perceived must therefore take place in front of the viewer and on approximately the same level, a fact that is relected in the design of all types of spectator spaces — theaters, movie houses, auditoriums. Another example that illustrates the vertical limitations of the ield of vision is the merchandise display in supermarkets.
Ordinary household products are placed below eye level, on the shelves nearest the loor, while the shelves in a narrow band just at eye level are illed with the unimportant, unnecessary goods that stores want customers to buy impulsively.
Everywhere that people move about and are engaged in activities, they do so on horizontal planes. It is dificult to move upward or downward, dificult to converse upward or downward, and dificult to look up or down. Hall in his book The Hidden and immediate Dimension [23] gives a description of the most important senses receptors and their functions in connection with human contacts and with experiencing the outside world.
According to Hall, two catego- ries of the sensory apparatus can be deined: the distance recep- tors — eyes, ears, nose — and the immediate receptors — skin, membranes, muscles. These receptors have different degrees of specialization and different functional spheres.
In the present context the distance receptors are of particular importance. Only at distances of less than 1 meter 39 in. Perfume and other slightly stronger odors can be perceived at 2 to 3 meters 7 to 10 ft. Beyond this distance human beings can perceive only much stronger smells. Within distances of up to 7 meters 23 ft. It is possible to hold conversations with relatively little dificulty up to this distance. At distances up to approximately 35 meters ft.
Beyond 35 meters ft. It is possible to hear people who shout loudly but dificult to understand what is being shouted. It is possible to see the stars and often possible to see clearly airplanes that cannot be heard. In connection with experiencing other people, however, the sense of sight has, like the other senses, well-deined limitations. At approximately meters ft. This range can be called the social ield of vision. An example of how behavior is affected by this range is the sparsely populated beach where individual groups of bathers distribute themselves at about meter ft.
At this distance the groups can perceive that there are others farther along the beach, but it is not possible to see who they are or what they are doing. At a distance of between 70 and meters and ft. At this distance it is often possible to recognize people one knows well on the basis of their clothing and the way they walk.
The to meter to ft. The distance from the farthest seat to the middle of the ield, for example, is usually 70 meters ft. Otherwise spectators cannot see what is going on. Not until the distance is considerably shorter does it become possible to discern the details that permit one to perceive other people as individuals. At a distance of approximately 30 meters ft.
When the distance is reduced to 20 to 25 meters 60 to 80 ft. At this point the meeting begins to become truly interesting and relevant in a social context.
A related example is the theater. The distance between the stage and the farthest audience seats in a theater is usually a maximum of 30 to 35 meters to ft. At even shorter distances the amount and intensity of infor- mation is increased greatly because the other senses can now begin to supplement the sense of sight.
At distances of 1 to 3 meters 3 to 10 ft. At still shorter dis- tances, impressions and feelings are further intensiied. A very conscious use of distances is involved in nearly all contacts. The distance between participants is reduced if mutual interest and intensity are increased. People move closer together or lean forward in their chairs.
Conversely, the distance is increased if interest and intensity wane. For example, the distance is increased when a discussion nears its end. Elevators, for example, are practically impossible spaces for ordinary conversations. The same is true of a front yard with a depth of 1 meter 3 ft. In both these cases there is no way to avoid undesired contacts or to back out of undesired situations.
On the other hand, where front yards are too deep, conversations cannot get started. Correspondingly, small spaces tend to be perceived as warm and personal. The small dimensions make it possible to see and hear other people, and in small spaces, the details as well as the whole can be enjoyed. Conversely, large spaces are perceived as cold and impersonal. Hall deines a number of social distances, that is to say, customary distances for different forms of communication in the Western European and Ameri- can cultural sphere.
Personal distance 0. An example is the distance between people at the family dinner table. Social distance 1. The sofa group with armchairs and a coffee table is a physical expression of this social distance. Finally, public distance greater than 3. In cities and building projects of modest dimensions, narrow streets, and small spaces, the buildings, building details, and the people who move about in the spaces are experienced at close range and with considerable intensity.
These cities and spaces are compa- rably perceived as intimate, warm, and personal. Conversely, building projects with large spaces, wide streets, and tall build- ings often are felt to be cold and impersonal. The organs of sense are for the most part designed to perceive and process the details and impressions that are received at walking and running speed, that is, 5 to 15 kilometers per hour 3 to 9 mph.
If the speed of movement is increased, the possibility of discerning details and processing meaningful so- cial information drops sharply. In order to make buildings and signs visible to vehicular trafic, coarse design and huge symbols, are required.
Above: Marken, Holland. Right: Copenhagen, Denmark. During this entire period, the mass of information and degree of detail perceived increase gradually, giving each person time to react to the situation.
If this reaction time is critically reduced, the ability to perceive and respond to the situation disappears, as is the case when a car quickly passes a hitchhiker on the road. Therefore the automobile city and the pedestrian city have quite different sizes and dimensions.
In the automobile city, signs and billboards must be very big and bold to be seen. Buildings are comparably large and poor in detail, since these cannot be seen in any case. And the faces and facial expressions of human beings are too small in scale to be perceived at all.
One can catch a brief glimpse of others from a car or from a train window, but life takes place on foot. Life takes place on foot. Pedestrian priority street, Copenhagen, Denmark. In this manner individu- als and events can inluence and stimulate one another. Once this process has begun, the total activity is nearly always greater and more complex than the sum of the originally involved component activities.
In the home, events and members of the family move gradual- ly from room to room as the center of activity is changed. When work is going on in the kitchen, children play on the kitchen loor, and so forth. On the playgrounds it can be noted how play activities are comparably self-reinforcing. If some children begin to play, others are inspired to come out and join in the games, and the little group can quickly grow.
A process has begun. In the public domain similar patterns can be seen. If there are many people, or if something is going on, more people and more events tend to join in, and the activities grow both in scope and duration. In areas nothing happens with twice the number of children, a four times higher level of play activity was found. Something happens because something happens because something happens.
Many things go on, to be sure, but both happens people and events are so spread out in time and space that the individual activities almost never get a chance to grow to- gether to larger, more meaningful and inspiring sequences of events. The process becomes negative: nothing happens because nothing happens.
Children would rather stay in and watch television because it is so dull outside. Old people do not ind it particularly entertain- ing to sit on the benches, because there is almost nothing to see. And when there are few children playing, few people sitting on benches, and few walking by, it is not very interesting to look out of the windows. There is not much to see. This negative process, in which life between buildings is drastically reduced because activities cannot stimulate and support one another, can, as mentioned, be found in the many suburban areas where there is an extreme dispersal of the events that actually do take place.
Comparable negative processes begin in connection with Facing page: People tend to renovation of old city districts in which parking garages, gas congregate where other people are assembled. Residential stations, large inancial institutions, and so on contribute to areas in western Copenhagen decreasing the number of people and events. The natural activity and southern Melbourne.
In the mall, however, more than twenty times as many people are in view at any speciic time, because many people are sitting and standing, and because the speed of movement is 3 miles per hour rather than 60 miles per hour.
The disintegration of living public spaces and the gradual transformation of the street areas into an area that is of no real interest to anyone is an important factor contributing to vandal- ism and crime in the streets. This development is found to a frightening extent in a number of large U. Nearly all large European cities are undergoing compar- able developments. Once crime or fear becomes a problem, everyone stays away from the streets - with good reason. The vicious circle is com- plete.
It is not the number of people or events, but rather the number of minutes spent outdoors that is important. The following example illustrates this relationship. If three people remain in front of their houses for sixty minutes each, throughout the period three people are present in the space.
Within the period in question there will still be an average of three people present in the space. The number of people or events does not, then, in itself give a real indication of the activity level in an area, because actual activity, life between buildings as it is experienced, is equally a question of duration of stays outdoors.
This implies that a high level of activity in a certain area can be stimulated both by ensuring that more people use the public spaces and by encouraging longer individual stays. This is the prime reason for the noteworthy activity level in pedestrian cities like Dubrovnik and Venice. When all trafic is slow, there is life in the streets for this reason alone, in contrast to what is found in automobile cities, where the speed of movement automatically reduces the activity level.
Whether people move about on foot or in cars and whether cars, when used, are parked 5, , or meters 15, , or ft. The farther away from the doors the cars are parked, the more will happen in the area in question, because slow trafic means lively cities. In the summer situation the street is much more lively, because nearly everyone is spending more time in the street.
Even with the same number of pedestrians per day the summer situation could easily result in 5 or 10 times more people present in the street because lengthy stays make lively cities. If opportunities for outdoor activities in a residential area are improved so much that the average daily time spent outdoors is increased from ten to twenty minutes, the activity level in the area will be doubled. When compared with the time used for transportation, the duration of the stay is by far the more important factor in this context.
It is even more true than is the case for slow trafic that lengthy stays outdoors mean lively residential areas and city spaces. This connection, that duration is as important as the number of events, explains in great part why there is so little activity in many new housing projects, such as multistory apartment areas, where great numbers of people in fact live.
Residents come and go in great numbers, but there are often only meager opportuni- ties to spend extended periods outdoors. There are not really any places to be, nothing to do. Thus outdoor stays become short, and the activity level is comparably low. Rowhouses with small front yards may have considerably fewer inhabitants but much more activity around the houses because the period of time spent outdoors per inhabitant is generally much longer.
The connection demonstrated between street life, the number of people and events, and the time spent outdoors provides one of the most crucial keys to the way in which conditions for life between buildings can be improved in existing and new residen- tial areas — namely by improving conditions for outdoor stays.
Anyone looking for the key to anew type of prosperity that respects the earth should starthere. Anderson, founder and Chair, Interface, Inc. The groundbreaking guide to the emerging practice of biophilicdesign This book offers a paradigm shift in how we design and build ourbuildings and our communities, one that recognizes that thepositive experience of natural systems and processes in ourbuildings and constructed landscapes is critical to human health,performance, and well-being.
Biophilic design is about humanity'splace in nature and the natural world's place in human society,where mutuality, respect, and enriching relationships can andshould exist at all levels and should emerge as the norm ratherthan the exception.
Written for architects, landscape architects, planners,developers,environmental designers, as well as building owners, BiophilicDesign: The Theory, Science, and Practice of Bringing Buildings toLife is a guide to the theory, science, and practice of biophilicdesign. Twenty-three original and timely essays by world-renownedscientists, designers, and practitioners, including Edward O.
Biophilic design at any scale-from buildings to cities-begins witha few simple questions: How does the built environment affect thenatural environment?
How will nature affect human experience andaspiration? Most of all, how can we achieve sustained andreciprocal benefits between the two? This prescient, groundbreaking book provides the answers. A key task for planners and residents, working together, is to preserve that unique sense of place without making the city a parody of itself.
In Planning and Place in the City, Marichela Sepe explores the preservation, reconstruction and enhancement of cultural heritage and place identity. She outlines the history of the concept of placemaking, and sets out the range of different methods of analysis and assessment that are used to help pin down the nature of place identity.
This book also uses the author's own survey-based method called PlaceMaker to detect elements that do not feature in traditional mapping and identifies appropriate planning interventions. Case studies investigate cities in Europe, North America and Asia, which demonstrate how surveys and interviews can be used to draw up an analytical map of place identity.
This investigative work is a crucial step in identifying cultural elements which will influence what planning decisions should be taken in the future. The maps aim to establish a dialogue with local residents and support planners and administrators in making sustainable changes. The case studies are amply illustrated with survey data sheets, photos, and coloured maps. Innovative and broad-based, Planning and Place in the City lays out an approach to the identification and preservation of place and cultural heritage suitable for students, academics and professionals alike.
Professionals, city officials and developers are taking a new look at buildings that allow for higher densities and mixed-use.
Describing exemplary contemporary projects and issues pertaining to their implementation as well as the background, cultural variety and urban attributes, this book will benefit designers dealing with mixed-use buildings as well as academics and students.
The internet has enabled millions of people to collectively produce, revise, and distribute everything from computer operating systems and applications to encyclopedia articles and film and television databases. Today, peer production has branched out to include wireless networks, online currencies, biohacking, and peer-to-peer urbanism, amongst others. The Handbook of Peer Production outlines central concepts, examines current and emerging areas of application, and analyzes the forms and principles of cooperation that continue to impact multiple areas of production and sociality.
Featuring contributions from an international team of experts in the field, this landmark work maps the origins and manifestations of peer production, discusses the factors and conditions that are enabling, advancing, and co-opting peer production, and considers its current impact and potential consequences for the social order. Detailed chapters address the governance, political economy, and cultures of peer production, user motivations, social rules and norms, the role of peer production in social change and activism, and much more.
In the workplace a period of unprecedented change has created a mix of responses with one overriding outcome observable worldwide: the rise of distributed space. In the learning environment the social, political, economic and technological changes responsible for this shift have been further compounded by constantly developing theories of learning and teaching, and a wide acceptance of the importance of learning as the core of the community, resulting in the blending of all aspects of learning into one seamless experience.
This book attempts to look at all the forces driving the provision and pedagogic performance of the many spaces, real and virtual, that now accommodate the experience of learning and provide pointers towards the creation and design of learning-centred communities. Part 1 looks at the entire learning universe as it now stands, tracks the way in which its constituent parts came to occupy their role, assesses how they have responded to a complex of drivers and gauges their success in dealing with renewed pressures to perform.
It shows that what is required is innovation within the spaces and integration between them.
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